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When the topic of gay marriage comes
up, it makes me wonder who is really in charge.
There always seems to be a special interest group on
one side or the
other vying for our attention so they can “get the word
out” about the
inconvenience that the folks on the other side of the debate are
causing
them. Then the call
goes out for all of
us who agree to put the pressure on our elected officials to vote the
way we
see it and thus resolve the issue in each of our respective states to
our
satisfaction.
But, to put it bluntly, I really
don’t give a rat’s patooty what any legislature,
any court, or any arm of
government says that marriage is or is not.
It does not matter to me in the least what the
state’s opinion is on the
topic. It is not
the government’s place
to define marriage; the responsibility must rightfully be placed
elsewhere, and
the civic powers need to acquiesce to the true authority on the
subject, which
is religion. Did he just say
“patooty?”
Most philosophers and pundits
typically say that marriage is a civil institution, a societal
institution, and
a religious institution, and then proceed to argue about exactly what
blend of
those three sources would apply. But
a
look at the historical sources of this thing we now call marriage would
properly rule out the first two of those three.
In just about all ancient societies, to marry meant
to participate in
some sort of religious ceremony performed by a priest, witch doctor,
tribal
elder, or whomever to invoke the blessing of God (or whatever gods they
held as
deities) upon the formation of the new family unit at the center of the
ritual. The
validity of any such rite
was almost never questioned, and if it was it usually had something to
do with
the religious credentials of the officiant.
Even kings were married to their queens by a bishop
or his
parallel. Any
couple who cohabited
without the accepted validation of some sort of religious blessing was
considered to be in a “common law” marriage, which
was generally held to be at
least suspect if not evil by the surrounding society, and the children
of such
a union were labeled as illegitimate.
If we then define marriage as a
religious institution, then it must follow that we must allow our
religion to
define for us not only how it is initiated, but what it is. The role of government in
the process is
merely to recognize the community property rights, tax allowances, and
other
items that their involvement necessitates.
Such rights are generally conferred on whomever a
minister of a
recognized religion presents to the civil authorities as the
participants in
the new family unit which the ceremony created. “Patooty”
isn’t in the spell checker
At this point, some would rightly
contend that this arrangement opens a virtual Pandora’s box
of potential
problems. What
about homosexual
marriage? What
about those religions
which endorse polygamy? Or
about those
that say that puberty is an acceptable age of consent, or even younger? So on one hand, if I
adhere to a religion
that teaches that marriage is acceptable only for a heterosexual,
monogamous
couple, then that is what marriage is to me, and no government body, no
other
faith, and no person or group within society has the right to tell me
that I
must accept any view that says otherwise.
On the other hand, many groups who exist in the
United States as
recognized religious groups do permit marriages that are defined
outside normal
Biblical parameters. Metropolitan
Churches, who present themselves as a gay Christian denomination,
greatly
desire the opportunity to perform marriages for their lesbian and
homosexual
members. Even
though the Mormon Church
has officially reversed their position on polygamy, it is still
recognized by
some Muslim nations, certain African societies, and was practiced in
the early
years of the nation of ancient Israel.
Many societies and religions also accept persons as
prospective marriage
partners who are younger than U. S. laws allow.
We would also have the obvious problem of persons of
no religion at all
who desire to marry; what rules or guidelines would they follow?
This seemingly daunting slate of
problems should not deter us from pursuing the goal of keeping
government out
of the defining of marriage. The
courtrooms and state capitols are not the proper battleground for this
fight. By shifting
the theater to the
sphere of religion, we keep our civic leadership on their side of
Jefferson’s
“wall of separation between church and state” and
allow the battle for the
family to remain where it rightfully belongs.
It may be that the state would have
a compelling interest in the area of setting a lower age limit for
those who
could be recognized as eligible for the application of the civil laws
that are
afforded to the wedded couple, as well as certain other necessary
protections
for those who may not be aware of the responsibilities they are
invoking for
themselves as participants. But
it makes
no sense for the municipal powers to be able to say
“no” to the rights of those
consenting adults who enter into a marriage covenant under the auspices
of a
legitimate, or even an illegitimate but recognized religion. Keeping their patooty out of it
If there is to be an ensuing
free-for-all concerning the various religions’ conflicting
definitions of
marriage and the family unit, at least in this situation it would be
happening
in the correct arena. I
have written
elsewhere about the wording of the Constitution where it addresses
freedom of
religion (see the article The Religious
Marketplace linked below), so it is only consistent that in
this matter,
which is religious in nature, the sole interest of the government would
be
merely to recognize that which has already taken place in the religious
ceremony (if, in fact, there is any need for them to do anything at
all). Thus we leave
the state without the option to
refuse to grant the appropriate civil rights to any consenting adults
who
participate in the free exercise of their religion.
Finally, as for those of no
religious affiliation at all, how could they marry?
My answer is simply: why would they want
to? The same end
could be reached by
means of a civil union/domestic partnership pact which could bind the
participants legally, and therefore give the government a contractual
basis to
work from. Since
religion implies that
there is a deity watching over the union, and the deity would exert
power to
enforce the bonding between the persons involved, then the contract
would
replace this god as the means of ensuring the bond, and a
“divorce” would
simply involve a dissolution agreement recognized by both parties as
superseding the original contract.
The
ultimate responsibility for any moral obligations between the parties
would be
their own business, since they recognize no god to whom they must give
account
for this breakdown.
If this sounds a bit cold and
less-than-personal, that is understandable.
Marriage is more than a mere contract—it
is a covenant. And
although these two terms are often
compared by theologians attempting to explain what a covenant is, they
represent two different levels of agreement.
A covenant is meant to be a lifetime commitment, but
a contract most
often ends when a time limit expires or a particular goal is achieved. A covenant involves all
that a person is and
has, where a contract most often involves only a single aspect of
life—a job to
be done or a financial arrangement (for this insight I am indebted to
Huston
Smith and his excellent book The
World’s
Religions—San Francisco, HarperCollins,
1991—see the chapter on
Judaism. It is also
listed in my
citations page linked below and mentioned in the article Evaluation). So the real
ulterior motive is …
I believe that marriage can only be
legitimate when it involves two and only two heterosexual, monogamous
persons,
one female and one male, with the primary purpose of creating a stable
environment for the possible procreation and upbringing of children;
and any
other reasons being secondary. This
is
what I believe the Bible teaches about marriage, and my own local
fellowship as
well as the historic Christian Church agrees with this definition. If the First Amendment of
the U. S.
Constitution is held to be valid, then neither any arm of the state nor
any
branch of any government has the right to try to make me believe
differently. I must
reject the notion
that marriage is anything other than a religious institution, therefore
my
religion informs me as to what I should believe on the subject; no
other system
may interfere with that belief. Other
faiths may believe and practice what they please—I will not
interfere with
them, despite the fact that I may personally find their theories and
explanations of marriage to be defective, ludicrous and frivolous.
I recognize that my view of this may
seem much too libertarian for the comfort of my conservative friends. They may ask why I would
not want our
government to define what sort of marital unions may receive apposite
civil
rights. The answer
is simply that this
issue is best left up to the churches, and the government needs to stay
out of
it altogether. Religious
rights in
America have been gradually and subtly eroded in many other ways
lately, and it
does not require a stretching of the imagination to see that if we
allow the
state to define what marriage is, then it will quickly follow that
Christian
pastors and ministers may someday be required to perform wedding
ceremonies in
situations with which they disagree.
Sillier things have happened and are
happening—we are already seeing a
parallel in the case of the Christian, pro-life gynecologists who are
being
threatened with the revocation of their license to practice medicine
because
they will not themselves perform abortions, even though they will refer
patients to a practice which does.
We
also see this in the tendency of local zoning regulations being allowed
to
trump individual religious rights when they are used to prohibit people
from
holding prayer meetings in their own homes. |